Read e-book online A Reference Grammar of Wappo (University of California PDF

By Sandra A. Thompson

Wappo is an indigenous language, ordinarily considered as a language isolate, which used to be spoken within the Russian River Valley, simply north of San Francisco, California. This reference grammar relies at the speech of Laura Fish Somersal, its final fluent speaker, who died in 1990, and represents the main vast info and grammatical examine ever performed in this language. The grammar specializes in morphosyntax, fairly nominal, verbal, and clausal buildings and clause combining styles, from a functional/typological standpoint.

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6 Conjoined NPs (75) he k'a 23 ce this and that ‘this and that’ (JS3) Sawyer (1965:106) suggests that the suffix -k'a means ‘together’ and can be found in hopak'a ‘both’ (from hopa ‘two’, ‘each other’). The morpheme he ‘or’ signals phrasal disjunction. 7 Quantifiers Quantifiers generally follow the head noun, as suggested in the order chart shown in (1) at the beginning of chapter 3, but they may also precede: (79) a. kašic' - t - i mul' - i ohak' - šeʔ boy - PL - NOM all - NOM hungry - DUR ‘all the boys are hungry’ (52) 24 The Noun Phrase b.

Third, as illustrated below, it is not used when the two clauses are in a conjoined or non-dependent relation with each other. 2), our data suggest that that is not the primary function of 3CO. 9 Pronouns (102) kota maʔa but ce šuʔu čhoʔel - khiʔ [ me just DEM after masomi - tis die - STAT - ta ] ce hopilaka 3CO DEM quarter wen spend - CAUS - PST because ‘but after that hei just died because hei had spent that quarter’ (Text A, 185) (103) cephi i peh - še - lahkhiʔ [ 3SG:NOM 1SG look:at - DUR - NEG okal'te me - thu i 1SG 3CO - DAT cel' ] talk COND ‘s/hei doesn’t look at me when I talk to him/heri’ (286) (104) cephi [ me šawo mes - tah ] 3SG:NOM 3CO bread make - PST:DUR ‘s/hei ate the bread s/hei made’ (52) paʔ - taʔ eat - PST The preceding examples all illustrate 3CO following its co-referent nominal, but the following examples show that 3CO can precede its co-referent nominal in complex sentences: (105) [ me k'ešu paʔ - e cel' ] cephi uwa pihkah - seʔ 3CO meat eat - HYP COND 3SG:NOM bad ‘whenever s/hei eats meat s/hei feels bad’ (35) (106) [ chica me mewiʔ - i cel' ] kota maʔa bear 3CO catch - HYP COND ce but still feel - DUR cephi 3SG:NOM pahčhoṭik - lahkhiʔ DEM fear:HYP - NEG ‘even if a bear caught him/heri, s/hei still wouldn’t be afraid’ (36) Examples (107) and (108) show that 3CO is not used in a complex sentence when the two clauses are in a coordinate or non-dependent relation with one another: 30 The Noun Phrase (107) cephi i peh - khiʔ wey kat'a - khiʔ (cephi) (*me) 3SG:NOM 1SG look - STAT and 3SG:NOM laugh - STAT 3CO ‘s/hei looked at me and s/hei laughed’ (51) (108) wey uči šuʔu meh - yok'el - khiʔ , cel' (*me) cew ola and night four after ečumu - h up - sit - STAT then 3CO there c'esmi - khiʔ river - LOC swim - STAT ‘and after four nights he got up, and then went swimming in the river there’ (Text A:182) Finally, 3CO appears to be possible only if the main clause referent is the subject of the (main) clause: (109) ah [ te uwa pihkah - se (*me) 1SG:NOM 3SG ] te - thu (*me) bad feel - DUR:DEP 3CO 3SG - DAT 3CO cews - taʔ ask - PST ‘I asked him/heri if s/hei was feeling bad’ (19) In (109), since the initial third-person referent is not the subject of its clause, the second mention of this third person cannot be done with 3CO.

Cephi hincaṭi: - seʔ 3SG:NOM wake:up - DUR ‘s/he’s waking up’ (374) b. 3 Past for actions [ = PST; -taʔ] What we are glossing PST is restricted to transitive actions performed in the past, as well as intransitive actions performed in the past which do not result in identifiable states. A. ’ (23) (53) ah leʔa mey - ocow el - taʔ 1SG:NOM many water - root dig - PST ‘I dug lots of swamp-roots’ (191) B. 1 The data make it clear that it is resultant state and 1. Interestingly, reports of past actions without a resulting state seem to be crosslinguistically relatively rarely used in ordinary discourse; it seems that people tend to associate pastness with “closure”.

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